Japanese Maritime Self Defense Force vessels off Sagami Bay. (Kazuhiro Nogi/AFP/Getty) PRINT ARTICLE EMAIL ARTICLE ADJUST FONT SIZEAA by MICHAEL AUSLIN May 19, 2015 4:00 AM Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe, fresh off a successful official visit to the United States, where he focused largely on security issues, has returned home to follow through on longstanding promises to submit crucial defense-reform legislation to the Japanese Diet. Last Thursday, his cabinet adopted two security bills that will now be put before Japan’s legislators. According to the Japan Times, one of the two bills would amend 10 security-related laws, removing some restrictions on SDF operations. One of the revisions would allow Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense, or the right to come to the aid of a friendly nation under attack. . . . The second bill would create a permanent law allowing the government to dispatch the SDF overseas to provide logistics support to a foreign force engaged in armed combat. While maintaining tight restrictions on when collective self-defense can be invoked, and limiting the general law on deployment to logistics support, the bills nevertheless are a significant move toward normalizing the activities of the Self-Defense Forces. They will open up new areas of cooperation, while making it easier for Japan to discuss common operations with its allies. Yet not all is assured for the Japanese premier. What Abe is really trying to do is change the trajectory of post-war Japanese history, to shift the mindset of his countrymen. It is therefore no surprise that he faces significant opposition at home to his plans, with half the respondents in recent polls indicating opposition to an expanded security role for Japanese forces. Japan’s pacifist post-war constitution, written by American occupation forces, helped instill a strong aversion to military activity of nearly any kind. Despite the oft-voiced concerns and criticisms of Japan’s neighbors over the years that Tokyo was flirting with remilitarization, Japan’s populace has been steadfastly opposed to any overseas entanglements. So, for that matter, have most of its post-1945 governments. The balancing act that Abe is engaged in hinges on making transformative changes that will not threaten to turn Japan into an offensively based military actor. In other words, he is trying to avoid making such radical moves that he galvanizes opposition strong enough to halt his progress. At the same time, he is trying to permanently tear down the barriers that have hindered Japan’s armed forces from operating like those of other nations. As Abe’s legislative majority passes new defense bills, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and other Asian nations takes on added life. Abe surely knew that there would always be a hard core of opposition to his plans, but he has been banking on two things going in his favor: first, that the public is worried enough about China’s rise and North Korea’s threat to accept a broader role for the Japanese military, and second, that the very act of firm leadership would not only overcome opposition but even win fresh support. Submitting the legislation is a major step for Abe. Up to now, he has made many promises but not taken much concrete action. That is now beginning to change, however, and as his legislative majority passes the new defense bills, as it undoubtedly will, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and for creating new security relations with other Asian nations takes on added life. Just last week, two Japanese naval vessels conducted the first-ever Japanese–Philippines maritime exercises. This, with a nation embroiled in a bitter dispute with China over territory in the South China Sea. Tokyo may be years away from forming any real alliances with countries in the region, let alone from coming to their aid during times of crisis, but the steps that Abe is taking to make all that more possible should help stabilize Asia’s balance of power. That all this is being done in a measured, democratic way through Japan’s elected representatives should reduce any fears, both of those in the country and of those outside it, that irresponsible ultranationalists are hijacking Japanese security policy. Instead, the normalization of Japan’s role, in concert with its American ally and new partners, is the best path forward to ease Japan into a more responsible and productive leadership role in Asia. — Michael Auslin is a frequent contributor to National Review Online. VIEW COMMENTS
Read more at: http://www.nationalreview.com/article/418563/japan-begins-walk-walk-defense-reform-michael-auslin the Walk on Defense Reform Japanese Maritime Self Defense Force vessels off Sagami Bay. (Kazuhiro Nogi/AFP/Getty) PRINT ARTICLE EMAIL ARTICLE ADJUST FONT SIZEAA by MICHAEL AUSLIN May 19, 2015 4:00 AM Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe, fresh off a successful official visit to the United States, where he focused largely on security issues, has returned home to follow through on longstanding promises to submit crucial defense-reform legislation to the Japanese Diet. Last Thursday, his cabinet adopted two security bills that will now be put before Japan’s legislators. According to the Japan Times, one of the two bills would amend 10 security-related laws, removing some restrictions on SDF operations. One of the revisions would allow Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense, or the right to come to the aid of a friendly nation under attack. . . . The second bill would create a permanent law allowing the government to dispatch the SDF overseas to provide logistics support to a foreign force engaged in armed combat. While maintaining tight restrictions on when collective self-defense can be invoked, and limiting the general law on deployment to logistics support, the bills nevertheless are a significant move toward normalizing the activities of the Self-Defense Forces. They will open up new areas of cooperation, while making it easier for Japan to discuss common operations with its allies. Yet not all is assured for the Japanese premier. What Abe is really trying to do is change the trajectory of post-war Japanese history, to shift the mindset of his countrymen. It is therefore no surprise that he faces significant opposition at home to his plans, with half the respondents in recent polls indicating opposition to an expanded security role for Japanese forces. Japan’s pacifist post-war constitution, written by American occupation forces, helped instill a strong aversion to military activity of nearly any kind. Despite the oft-voiced concerns and criticisms of Japan’s neighbors over the years that Tokyo was flirting with remilitarization, Japan’s populace has been steadfastly opposed to any overseas entanglements. So, for that matter, have most of its post-1945 governments. The balancing act that Abe is engaged in hinges on making transformative changes that will not threaten to turn Japan into an offensively based military actor. In other words, he is trying to avoid making such radical moves that he galvanizes opposition strong enough to halt his progress. At the same time, he is trying to permanently tear down the barriers that have hindered Japan’s armed forces from operating like those of other nations. As Abe’s legislative majority passes new defense bills, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and other Asian nations takes on added life. Abe surely knew that there would always be a hard core of opposition to his plans, but he has been banking on two things going in his favor: first, that the public is worried enough about China’s rise and North Korea’s threat to accept a broader role for the Japanese military, and second, that the very act of firm leadership would not only overcome opposition but even win fresh support. Submitting the legislation is a major step for Abe. Up to now, he has made many promises but not taken much concrete action. That is now beginning to change, however, and as his legislative majority passes the new defense bills, as it undoubtedly will, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and for creating new security relations with other Asian nations takes on added life. Just last week, two Japanese naval vessels conducted the first-ever Japanese–Philippines maritime exercises. This, with a nation embroiled in a bitter dispute with China over territory in the South China Sea. Tokyo may be years away from forming any real alliances with countries in the region, let alone from coming to their aid during times of crisis, but the steps that Abe is taking to make all that more possible should help stabilize Asia’s balance of power. That all this is being done in a measured, democratic way through Japan’s elected representatives should reduce any fears, both of those in the country and of those outside it, that irresponsible ultranationalists are hijacking Japanese security policy. Instead, the normalization of Japan’s role, in concert with its American ally and new partners, is the best path forward to ease Japan into a more responsible and productive leadership role in Asia. — Michael Auslin is a frequent contributor to National Review Online. VIEW COMMENTS
Read more at: http://www.nationalreview.com/article/418563/japan-begins-walk-walk-defense-reform-michael-auslin the Walk on Defense Reform
Read more at: http://www.nationalreview.com/article/418563/japan-begins-walk-walk-defense-reform-michael-auslin the Walk on Defense Reform Japanese Maritime Self Defense Force vessels off Sagami Bay. (Kazuhiro Nogi/AFP/Getty) PRINT ARTICLE EMAIL ARTICLE ADJUST FONT SIZEAA by MICHAEL AUSLIN May 19, 2015 4:00 AM Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe, fresh off a successful official visit to the United States, where he focused largely on security issues, has returned home to follow through on longstanding promises to submit crucial defense-reform legislation to the Japanese Diet. Last Thursday, his cabinet adopted two security bills that will now be put before Japan’s legislators. According to the Japan Times, one of the two bills would amend 10 security-related laws, removing some restrictions on SDF operations. One of the revisions would allow Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense, or the right to come to the aid of a friendly nation under attack. . . . The second bill would create a permanent law allowing the government to dispatch the SDF overseas to provide logistics support to a foreign force engaged in armed combat. While maintaining tight restrictions on when collective self-defense can be invoked, and limiting the general law on deployment to logistics support, the bills nevertheless are a significant move toward normalizing the activities of the Self-Defense Forces. They will open up new areas of cooperation, while making it easier for Japan to discuss common operations with its allies. Yet not all is assured for the Japanese premier. What Abe is really trying to do is change the trajectory of post-war Japanese history, to shift the mindset of his countrymen. It is therefore no surprise that he faces significant opposition at home to his plans, with half the respondents in recent polls indicating opposition to an expanded security role for Japanese forces. Japan’s pacifist post-war constitution, written by American occupation forces, helped instill a strong aversion to military activity of nearly any kind. Despite the oft-voiced concerns and criticisms of Japan’s neighbors over the years that Tokyo was flirting with remilitarization, Japan’s populace has been steadfastly opposed to any overseas entanglements. So, for that matter, have most of its post-1945 governments. The balancing act that Abe is engaged in hinges on making transformative changes that will not threaten to turn Japan into an offensively based military actor. In other words, he is trying to avoid making such radical moves that he galvanizes opposition strong enough to halt his progress. At the same time, he is trying to permanently tear down the barriers that have hindered Japan’s armed forces from operating like those of other nations. As Abe’s legislative majority passes new defense bills, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and other Asian nations takes on added life. Abe surely knew that there would always be a hard core of opposition to his plans, but he has been banking on two things going in his favor: first, that the public is worried enough about China’s rise and North Korea’s threat to accept a broader role for the Japanese military, and second, that the very act of firm leadership would not only overcome opposition but even win fresh support. Submitting the legislation is a major step for Abe. Up to now, he has made many promises but not taken much concrete action. That is now beginning to change, however, and as his legislative majority passes the new defense bills, as it undoubtedly will, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and for creating new security relations with other Asian nations takes on added life. Just last week, two Japanese naval vessels conducted the first-ever Japanese–Philippines maritime exercises. This, with a nation embroiled in a bitter dispute with China over territory in the South China Sea. Tokyo may be years away from forming any real alliances with countries in the region, let alone from coming to their aid during times of crisis, but the steps that Abe is taking to make all that more possible should help stabilize Asia’s balance of power. That all this is being done in a measured, democratic way through Japan’s elected representatives should reduce any fears, both of those in the country and of those outside it, that irresponsible ultranationalists are hijacking Japanese security policy. Instead, the normalization of Japan’s role, in concert with its American ally and new partners, is the best path forward to ease Japan into a more responsible and productive leadership role in Asia. — Michael Auslin is a frequent contributor to National Review Online. VIEW COMMENTS
Read more at: http://www.nationalreview.com/article/418563/japan-begins-walk-walk-defense-reform-michael-auslin the Walk on Defense Reform
MJapanese Maritime Self Defense Force vessels off Sagami Bay. (Kazuhiro Nogi/AFP/Getty) PRINT ARTICLE EMAIL ARTICLE ADJUST FONT SIZEAA by MICHAEL AUSLIN May 19, 2015 4:00 AM Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe, fresh off a successful official visit to the United States, where he focused largely on security issues, has returned home to follow through on longstanding promises to submit crucial defense-reform legislation to the Japanese Diet. Last Thursday, his cabinet adopted two security bills that will now be put before Japan’s legislators. According to the Japan Times, one of the two bills would amend 10 security-related laws, removing some restrictions on SDF operations. One of the revisions would allow Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense, or the right to come to the aid of a friendly nation under attack. . . . The second bill would create a permanent law allowing the government to dispatch the SDF overseas to provide logistics support to a foreign force engaged in armed combat. While maintaining tight restrictions on when collective self-defense can be invoked, and limiting the general law on deployment to logistics support, the bills nevertheless are a significant move toward normalizing the activities of the Self-Defense Forces. They will open up new areas of cooperation, while making it easier for Japan to discuss common operations with its allies. Yet not all is assured for the Japanese premier. What Abe is really trying to do is change the trajectory of post-war Japanese history, to shift the mindset of his countrymen. It is therefore no surprise that he faces significant opposition at home to his plans, with half the respondents in recent polls indicating opposition to an expanded security role for Japanese forces. Japan’s pacifist post-war constitution, written by American occupation forces, helped instill a strong aversion to military activity of nearly any kind. Despite the oft-voiced concerns and criticisms of Japan’s neighbors over the years that Tokyo was flirting with remilitarization, Japan’s populace has been steadfastly opposed to any overseas entanglements. So, for that matter, have most of its post-1945 governments. The balancing act that Abe is engaged in hinges on making transformative changes that will not threaten to turn Japan into an offensively based military actor. In other words, he is trying to avoid making such radical moves that he galvanizes opposition strong enough to halt his progress. At the same time, he is trying to permanently tear down the barriers that have hindered Japan’s armed forces from operating like those of other nations. As Abe’s legislative majority passes new defense bills, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and other Asian nations takes on added life. Abe surely knew that there would always be a hard core of opposition to his plans, but he has been banking on two things going in his favor: first, that the public is worried enough about China’s rise and North Korea’s threat to accept a broader role for the Japanese military, and second, that the very act of firm leadership would not only overcome opposition but even win fresh support. Submitting the legislation is a major step for Abe. Up to now, he has made many promises but not taken much concrete action. That is now beginning to change, however, and as his legislative majority passes the new defense bills, as it undoubtedly will, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and for creating new security relations with other Asian nations takes on added life. Just last week, two Japanese naval vessels conducted the first-ever Japanese–Philippines maritime exercises. This, with a nation embroiled in a bitter dispute with China over territory in the South China Sea. Tokyo may be years away from forming any real alliances with countries in the region, let alone from coming to their aid during times of crisis, but the steps that Abe is taking to make all that more possible should help stabilize Asia’s balance of power. That all this is being done in a measured, democratic way through Japan’s elected representatives should reduce any fears, both of those in the country and of those outside it, that irresponsible ultranationalists are hijacking Japanese security policy. Instead, the normalization of Japan’s role, in concert with its American ally and new partners, is the best path forward to ease Japan into a more responsible and productive leadership role in Asia. — Michael Auslin is a frequent contributor to National Review Online. VIEW COMMENTS
Read more at: http://www.nationalreview.com/article/418563/japan-begins-walk-walk-defense-reform-michael-auslin Walk the Walk on Defense Reform Japanese Maritime Self Defense Force vessels off Sagami Bay. (Kazuhiro Nogi/AFP/Getty) PRINT ARTICLE EMAIL ARTICLE ADJUST FONT SIZEAA by MICHAEL AUSLIN May 19, 2015 4:00 AM
Read more at: http://www.nationalreview.com/article/418563/japan-begins-walk-walk-defense-reform-michael-auslin Walk the Walk on Defense Reform Japanese Maritime Self Defense Force vessels off Sagami Bay. (Kazuhiro Nogi/AFP/Getty) PRINT ARTICLE EMAIL ARTICLE ADJUST FONT SIZEAA by MICHAEL AUSLIN May 19, 2015 4:00 AM
Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe, fresh off a successful official visit to the United States, where he focused largely on security issues, has returned home to follow through on longstanding promises to submit crucial defense-reform legislation to the Japanese Diet. Last Thursday, his cabinet adopted two security bills that will now be put before Japan’s legislators. According to the Japan Times, one of the two bills would amend 10 security-related laws, removing some restrictions on SDF operations. One of the revisions would allow Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense, or the right to come to the aid of a friendly nation under attack. . . . The second bill would create a permanent law allowing the government to dispatch the SDF overseas to provide logistics support to a foreign force engaged in armed combat. While maintaining tight restrictions on when collective self-defense can be invoked, and limiting the general law on deployment to logistics support, the bills nevertheless are a significant move toward normalizing the activities of the Self-Defense Forces. They will open up new areas of cooperation, while making it easier for Japan to discuss common operations with its allies. Yet not all is assured for the Japanese premier. What Abe is really trying to do is change the trajectory of post-war Japanese history, to shift the mindset of his countrymen. It is therefore no surprise that he faces significant opposition at home to his plans, with half the respondents in recent polls indicating opposition to an expanded security role for Japanese forces. Japan’s pacifist post-war constitution, written by American occupation forces, helped instill a strong aversion to military activity of nearly any kind. Despite the oft-voiced concerns and criticisms of Japan’s neighbors over the years that Tokyo was flirting with remilitarization, Japan’s populace has been steadfastly opposed to any overseas entanglements. So, for that matter, have most of its post-1945 governments. The balancing act that Abe is engaged in hinges on making transformative changes that will not threaten to turn Japan into an offensively based military actor. In other words, he is trying to avoid making such radical moves that he galvanizes opposition strong enough to halt his progress. At the same time, he is trying to permanently tear down the barriers that have hindered Japan’s armed forces from operating like those of other nations. As Abe’s legislative majority passes new defense bills, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and other Asian nations takes on added life. Abe surely knew that there would always be a hard core of opposition to his plans, but he has been banking on two things going in his favor: first, that the public is worried enough about China’s rise and North Korea’s threat to accept a broader role for the Japanese military, and second, that the very act of firm leadership would not only overcome opposition but even win fresh support. Submitting the legislation is a major step for Abe. Up to now, he has made many promises but not taken much concrete action. That is now beginning to change, however, and as his legislative majority passes the new defense bills, as it undoubtedly will, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and for creating new security relations with other Asian nations takes on added life. Just last week, two Japanese naval vessels conducted the first-ever Japanese–Philippines maritime exercises. This, with a nation embroiled in a bitter dispute with China over territory in the South China Sea. Tokyo may be years away from forming any real alliances with countries in the region, let alone from coming to their aid during times of crisis, but the steps that Abe is taking to make all that more possible should help stabilize Asia’s balance of power. That all this is being done in a measured, democratic way through Japan’s elected representatives should reduce any fears, both of those in the country and of those outside it, that irresponsible ultranationalists are hijacking Japanese security policy. Instead, the normalization of Japan’s role, in concert with its American ally and new partners, is the best path forward to ease Japan into a more responsible and productive leadership role in Asia. — Michael Auslin is a frequent contributor to National Review Online. VIEW COMMENTS
Read more at: http://www.nationalreview.com/article/418563/japan-begins-walk-walk-defense-reform-michael-auslinJapan Begins to Walk the Walk on Defense Reform Japanese Maritime Self Defense Force vessels off Sagami Bay. (Kazuhiro Nogi/AFP/Getty) PRINT ARTICLE EMAIL ARTICLE ADJUST FONT SIZEAA by MICHAEL AUSLIN May 19, 2015 4:00 AM Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe, fresh off a successful official visit to the United States, where he focused largely on security issues, has returned home to follow through on longstanding promises to submit crucial defense-reform legislation to the Japanese Diet. Last Thursday, his cabinet adopted two security bills that will now be put before Japan’s legislators. According to the Japan Times, one of the two bills would amend 10 security-related laws, removing some restrictions on SDF operations. One of the revisions would allow Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense, or the right to come to the aid of a friendly nation under attack. . . . The second bill would create a permanent law allowing the government to dispatch the SDF overseas to provide logistics support to a foreign force engaged in armed combat. While maintaining tight restrictions on when collective self-defense can be invoked, and limiting the general law on deployment to logistics support, the bills nevertheless are a significant move toward normalizing the activities of the Self-Defense Forces. They will open up new areas of cooperation, while making it easier for Japan to discuss common operations with its allies. Yet not all is assured for the Japanese premier. What Abe is really trying to do is change the trajectory of post-war Japanese history, to shift the mindset of his countrymen. It is therefore no surprise that he faces significant opposition at home to his plans, with half the respondents in recent polls indicating opposition to an expanded security role for Japanese forces. Japan’s pacifist post-war constitution, written by American occupation forces, helped instill a strong aversion to military activity of nearly any kind. Despite the oft-voiced concerns and criticisms of Japan’s neighbors over the years that Tokyo was flirting with remilitarization, Japan’s populace has been steadfastly opposed to any overseas entanglements. So, for that matter, have most of its post-1945 governments. The balancing act that Abe is engaged in hinges on making transformative changes that will not threaten to turn Japan into an offensively based military actor. In other words, he is trying to avoid making such radical moves that he galvanizes opposition strong enough to halt his progress. At the same time, he is trying to permanently tear down the barriers that have hindered Japan’s armed forces from operating like those of other nations. As Abe’s legislative majority passes new defense bills, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and other Asian nations takes on added life. Abe surely knew that there would always be a hard core of opposition to his plans, but he has been banking on two things going in his favor: first, that the public is worried enough about China’s rise and North Korea’s threat to accept a broader role for the Japanese military, and second, that the very act of firm leadership would not only overcome opposition but even win fresh support. Submitting the legislation is a major step for Abe. Up to now, he has made many promises but not taken much concrete action. That is now beginning to change, however, and as his legislative majority passes the new defense bills, as it undoubtedly will, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and for creating new security relations with other Asian nations takes on added life. Just last week, two Japanese naval vessels conducted the first-ever Japanese–Philippines maritime exercises. This, with a nation embroiled in a bitter dispute with China over territory in the South China Sea. Tokyo may be years away from forming any real alliances with countries in the region, let alone from coming to their aid during times of crisis, but the steps that Abe is taking to make all that more possible should help stabilize Asia’s balance of power. That all this is being done in a measured, democratic way through Japan’s elected representatives should reduce any fears, both of those in the country and of those outside it, that irresponsible ultranationalists are hijacking Japanese security policy. Instead, the normalization of Japan’s role, in concert with its American ally and new partners, is the best path forward to ease Japan into a more responsible and productive leadership role in Asia. — Michael Auslin is a frequent contributor to National Review Online. VIEW COMMENTS Shinzo Abe: Japan Is America’s Willing Ally (Alex Wong/Getty) PRINT ARTICLE EMAIL ARTICLE ADJUST FONT SIZEAA by MICHAEL AUSLIN May 1, 2015 4:00 AM On his America tour, he makes the case for the democratic alternative to China’s influence in East Asia. By any measure, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s visit to the United States has been a resounding success. Having just wrapped up three full days in Washington, D.C., Abe is now in California, visiting both San Francisco and Los Angeles. Before Washington, he stopped in Boston and New York, making this the longest visit by a Japanese leader in decades. The first Japanese premier since Elvis-loving Junichiro Koizumi to show a more populist face to the American public, Abe has made public diplomacy a prominent part of his activities on this trip. Just as interestingly, Akie Abe, the prime minister’s wife, has continued her public outreach, visiting an elementary school in Virginia with Michelle Obama, and serving as a goodwill ambassador. I attended a State Department luncheon and a Japanese embassy–sponsored dinner with Abe, and at both events, he was relaxed and comfortable enough to poke fun at himself and crack a few jokes in front of America’s vice president and secretary of state, Supreme Court justices, former secretaries of state, top business leaders, and Asia scholars. For a leader often vilified as a dangerous right-wing revisionist, Abe is doing his best to charm America’s political class and citizens alike. He may not have Koizumi’s idiosyncratic flair, which resulted in a classic photo op at Graceland with Elvis’s wife Priscilla and daughter Lisa Marie, but Abe, a man that many believe eager to rewrite history and rebuild a fearsome Japanese military, is nonetheless showing his human side. For all his smile diplomacy, though, the real work of Abe’s visit was political. In New York, his ministers of defense and foreign affairs finalized and released with their U.S. counterparts a set of revised guidelines for the U.S.–Japan alliance. This new document impressively increases the scope of Japan’s activities, or at least promises to do so, and includes new areas of cooperation, dealing with such issues as cyber security and threats to satellites and communications networks. It also pledges to expand the scope of joint activities in Asia, a move that may help maintain stability in the face of increasing Chinese coercion over territorial disputes in the East and South China Seas. The guidelines will have to be implemented with legislation in Tokyo to allow the various activities to be undertaken by Japan’s Self-Defense Forces, but they provide a roadmap for steadily expanding Japan’s role in cooperative security endeavors in Asia, and perhaps globally. Unlike many countries that are hedging their bets over China, Japan is eager to step up and play a leadership role in Asia. In Washington, Abe and President Obama released a “vision statement” full of impressive commitments to cooperate on everything from harnessing science and innovation to working on energy security, women’s rights, and global health. Each of these needs to have specific goals, targets, and funding attached to it. Taken together, they represent what a real global alliance looks like, not one built solely on unrealistic ideas and often divergent interests, as in the case of China and the United States. The centerpiece of Abe’s visit to Washington, of course, was his address to a joint session of Congress, the first by a Japanese prime minister. He began on a dynastic note, recounting the speech of his grandfather, also a prime minister of Japan, to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1957. Eagerly awaited were Abe’s comments on World War II. He was, as far as I can tell, the first Japanese prime minister to use the word “repentance,” certainly in an official speech. This is something even his predecessor Tomiichi Murayama did not do in his lauded apology on the 50th anniversary of the war’s end. Moreover, Abe explicitly stated that he upheld all previous Japanese-government apologies. He also discussed in a highly personal way his feelings on the loss of life of tens of thousands of young Americans killed in the war, and offered his personal and “eternal condolences.” These expressions did not satisfy his more vocal critics, including the Chinese and South Koreans, but according to one member of Congress who was present in the chamber, Abe’s words in person conveyed a message of apology that was unmistakable. Abe then pivoted to a discussion of the global reach of the U.S.–Japan relationship, beginning with the yet-to-be-completed Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). The TPP is the only major free-trade agreement close to being completed, though major sticking points remain. Following on Obama’s recent remarks supporting TPP, Abe’s call in front of Congress for completing the agreement is about as high-profile a commitment as can be made. Whether it will break the logjam facing the negotiators and then overcome congressional opposition remains to be seen, but Abe has now very publicly staked some of his political capital on conclusion of the pact. The bottom line from Abe’s trip is that Japan is America’s willing ally. Unlike many countries that are hedging their bets over China, or waffling on living up to their security commitments in places like Europe, Japan is eager to step up and play a leadership role in Asia. It offers a democratic alternative to China’s influence, and it wants to act increasingly as the leader of a liberal bloc of nations in the Indo-Pacific region that help maintain stability. Abe has a lot of work to do at home to convince his skeptical countrymen that a globally active Japan is in their country’s best interests, but he is putting together a coherent and comprehensive policy that realistically faces Japan’s challenges. In a world of increasing disorder and instability, Japan’s offer is something that America should embrace. It provides the basis of a partnership that will be ever more valued in coming decades, as rising revisionist states seek to undermine the liberal order that has shaped global interactions since 1945. An Asia with a more committed and energetic Japan will almost certainly be a more stable Asia. Not all of Abe’s ambitious goals will be achieved, but he has broken Japan out of its post-war passivity, and that is something to applaud him for. — Michael Auslin is a frequent contributor to National Review Online. VIEW COMMENTS
Read more at: http://www.nationalreview.com/article/418563/japan-begins-walk-walk-defense-reform-michael-auslinJapan Begins to Walk the Walk on Defense Reform Japanese Maritime Self Defense Force vessels off Sagami Bay. (Kazuhiro Nogi/AFP/Getty) PRINT ARTICLE EMAIL ARTICLE ADJUST FONT SIZEAA by MICHAEL AUSLIN May 19, 2015 4:00 AM Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe, fresh off a successful official visit to the United States, where he focused largely on security issues, has returned home to follow through on longstanding promises to submit crucial defense-reform legislation to the Japanese Diet. Last Thursday, his cabinet adopted two security bills that will now be put before Japan’s legislators. According to the Japan Times, one of the two bills would amend 10 security-related laws, removing some restrictions on SDF operations. One of the revisions would allow Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense, or the right to come to the aid of a friendly nation under attack. . . . The second bill would create a permanent law allowing the government to dispatch the SDF overseas to provide logistics support to a foreign force engaged in armed combat. While maintaining tight restrictions on when collective self-defense can be invoked, and limiting the general law on deployment to logistics support, the bills nevertheless are a significant move toward normalizing the activities of the Self-Defense Forces. They will open up new areas of cooperation, while making it easier for Japan to discuss common operations with its allies. Yet not all is assured for the Japanese premier. What Abe is really trying to do is change the trajectory of post-war Japanese history, to shift the mindset of his countrymen. It is therefore no surprise that he faces significant opposition at home to his plans, with half the respondents in recent polls indicating opposition to an expanded security role for Japanese forces. Japan’s pacifist post-war constitution, written by American occupation forces, helped instill a strong aversion to military activity of nearly any kind. Despite the oft-voiced concerns and criticisms of Japan’s neighbors over the years that Tokyo was flirting with remilitarization, Japan’s populace has been steadfastly opposed to any overseas entanglements. So, for that matter, have most of its post-1945 governments. The balancing act that Abe is engaged in hinges on making transformative changes that will not threaten to turn Japan into an offensively based military actor. In other words, he is trying to avoid making such radical moves that he galvanizes opposition strong enough to halt his progress. At the same time, he is trying to permanently tear down the barriers that have hindered Japan’s armed forces from operating like those of other nations. As Abe’s legislative majority passes new defense bills, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and other Asian nations takes on added life. Abe surely knew that there would always be a hard core of opposition to his plans, but he has been banking on two things going in his favor: first, that the public is worried enough about China’s rise and North Korea’s threat to accept a broader role for the Japanese military, and second, that the very act of firm leadership would not only overcome opposition but even win fresh support. Submitting the legislation is a major step for Abe. Up to now, he has made many promises but not taken much concrete action. That is now beginning to change, however, and as his legislative majority passes the new defense bills, as it undoubtedly will, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and for creating new security relations with other Asian nations takes on added life. Just last week, two Japanese naval vessels conducted the first-ever Japanese–Philippines maritime exercises. This, with a nation embroiled in a bitter dispute with China over territory in the South China Sea. Tokyo may be years away from forming any real alliances with countries in the region, let alone from coming to their aid during times of crisis, but the steps that Abe is taking to make all that more possible should help stabilize Asia’s balance of power. That all this is being done in a measured, democratic way through Japan’s elected representatives should reduce any fears, both of those in the country and of those outside it, that irresponsible ultranationalists are hijacking Japanese security policy. Instead, the normalization of Japan’s role, in concert with its American ally and new partners, is the best path forward to ease Japan into a more responsible and productive leadership role in Asia. — Michael Auslin is a frequent contributor to National Review Online. VIEW COMMENTS Shinzo Abe: Japan Is America’s Willing Ally (Alex Wong/Getty) PRINT ARTICLE EMAIL ARTICLE ADJUST FONT SIZEAA by MICHAEL AUSLIN May 1, 2015 4:00 AM On his America tour, he makes the case for the democratic alternative to China’s influence in East Asia. By any measure, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s visit to the United States has been a resounding success. Having just wrapped up three full days in Washington, D.C., Abe is now in California, visiting both San Francisco and Los Angeles. Before Washington, he stopped in Boston and New York, making this the longest visit by a Japanese leader in decades. The first Japanese premier since Elvis-loving Junichiro Koizumi to show a more populist face to the American public, Abe has made public diplomacy a prominent part of his activities on this trip. Just as interestingly, Akie Abe, the prime minister’s wife, has continued her public outreach, visiting an elementary school in Virginia with Michelle Obama, and serving as a goodwill ambassador. I attended a State Department luncheon and a Japanese embassy–sponsored dinner with Abe, and at both events, he was relaxed and comfortable enough to poke fun at himself and crack a few jokes in front of America’s vice president and secretary of state, Supreme Court justices, former secretaries of state, top business leaders, and Asia scholars. For a leader often vilified as a dangerous right-wing revisionist, Abe is doing his best to charm America’s political class and citizens alike. He may not have Koizumi’s idiosyncratic flair, which resulted in a classic photo op at Graceland with Elvis’s wife Priscilla and daughter Lisa Marie, but Abe, a man that many believe eager to rewrite history and rebuild a fearsome Japanese military, is nonetheless showing his human side. For all his smile diplomacy, though, the real work of Abe’s visit was political. In New York, his ministers of defense and foreign affairs finalized and released with their U.S. counterparts a set of revised guidelines for the U.S.–Japan alliance. This new document impressively increases the scope of Japan’s activities, or at least promises to do so, and includes new areas of cooperation, dealing with such issues as cyber security and threats to satellites and communications networks. It also pledges to expand the scope of joint activities in Asia, a move that may help maintain stability in the face of increasing Chinese coercion over territorial disputes in the East and South China Seas. The guidelines will have to be implemented with legislation in Tokyo to allow the various activities to be undertaken by Japan’s Self-Defense Forces, but they provide a roadmap for steadily expanding Japan’s role in cooperative security endeavors in Asia, and perhaps globally. Unlike many countries that are hedging their bets over China, Japan is eager to step up and play a leadership role in Asia. In Washington, Abe and President Obama released a “vision statement” full of impressive commitments to cooperate on everything from harnessing science and innovation to working on energy security, women’s rights, and global health. Each of these needs to have specific goals, targets, and funding attached to it. Taken together, they represent what a real global alliance looks like, not one built solely on unrealistic ideas and often divergent interests, as in the case of China and the United States. The centerpiece of Abe’s visit to Washington, of course, was his address to a joint session of Congress, the first by a Japanese prime minister. He began on a dynastic note, recounting the speech of his grandfather, also a prime minister of Japan, to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1957. Eagerly awaited were Abe’s comments on World War II. He was, as far as I can tell, the first Japanese prime minister to use the word “repentance,” certainly in an official speech. This is something even his predecessor Tomiichi Murayama did not do in his lauded apology on the 50th anniversary of the war’s end. Moreover, Abe explicitly stated that he upheld all previous Japanese-government apologies. He also discussed in a highly personal way his feelings on the loss of life of tens of thousands of young Americans killed in the war, and offered his personal and “eternal condolences.” These expressions did not satisfy his more vocal critics, including the Chinese and South Koreans, but according to one member of Congress who was present in the chamber, Abe’s words in person conveyed a message of apology that was unmistakable. Abe then pivoted to a discussion of the global reach of the U.S.–Japan relationship, beginning with the yet-to-be-completed Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). The TPP is the only major free-trade agreement close to being completed, though major sticking points remain. Following on Obama’s recent remarks supporting TPP, Abe’s call in front of Congress for completing the agreement is about as high-profile a commitment as can be made. Whether it will break the logjam facing the negotiators and then overcome congressional opposition remains to be seen, but Abe has now very publicly staked some of his political capital on conclusion of the pact. The bottom line from Abe’s trip is that Japan is America’s willing ally. Unlike many countries that are hedging their bets over China, or waffling on living up to their security commitments in places like Europe, Japan is eager to step up and play a leadership role in Asia. It offers a democratic alternative to China’s influence, and it wants to act increasingly as the leader of a liberal bloc of nations in the Indo-Pacific region that help maintain stability. Abe has a lot of work to do at home to convince his skeptical countrymen that a globally active Japan is in their country’s best interests, but he is putting together a coherent and comprehensive policy that realistically faces Japan’s challenges. In a world of increasing disorder and instability, Japan’s offer is something that America should embrace. It provides the basis of a partnership that will be ever more valued in coming decades, as rising revisionist states seek to undermine the liberal order that has shaped global interactions since 1945. An Asia with a more committed and energetic Japan will almost certainly be a more stable Asia. Not all of Abe’s ambitious goals will be achieved, but he has broken Japan out of its post-war passivity, and that is something to applaud him for. — Michael Auslin is a frequent contributor to National Review Online. VIEW COMMENTS
Read more at: http://www.nationalreview.com/article/418563/japan-begins-walk-walk-defense-reform-michael-auslin
Read more at: http://www.nationalreview.com/article/418563/japan-begins-walk-walk-defense-reform-michael-auslinJapan Begins to Walk the Walk on Defense Reform Japanese Maritime Self Defense Force vessels off Sagami Bay. (Kazuhiro Nogi/AFP/Getty) PRINT ARTICLE EMAIL ARTICLE ADJUST FONT SIZEAA by MICHAEL AUSLIN May 19, 2015 4:00 AM Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe, fresh off a successful official visit to the United States, where he focused largely on security issues, has returned home to follow through on longstanding promises to submit crucial defense-reform legislation to the Japanese Diet. Last Thursday, his cabinet adopted two security bills that will now be put before Japan’s legislators. According to the Japan Times, one of the two bills would amend 10 security-related laws, removing some restrictions on SDF operations. One of the revisions would allow Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense, or the right to come to the aid of a friendly nation under attack. . . . The second bill would create a permanent law allowing the government to dispatch the SDF overseas to provide logistics support to a foreign force engaged in armed combat. While maintaining tight restrictions on when collective self-defense can be invoked, and limiting the general law on deployment to logistics support, the bills nevertheless are a significant move toward normalizing the activities of the Self-Defense Forces. They will open up new areas of cooperation, while making it easier for Japan to discuss common operations with its allies. Yet not all is assured for the Japanese premier. What Abe is really trying to do is change the trajectory of post-war Japanese history, to shift the mindset of his countrymen. It is therefore no surprise that he faces significant opposition at home to his plans, with half the respondents in recent polls indicating opposition to an expanded security role for Japanese forces. Japan’s pacifist post-war constitution, written by American occupation forces, helped instill a strong aversion to military activity of nearly any kind. Despite the oft-voiced concerns and criticisms of Japan’s neighbors over the years that Tokyo was flirting with remilitarization, Japan’s populace has been steadfastly opposed to any overseas entanglements. So, for that matter, have most of its post-1945 governments. The balancing act that Abe is engaged in hinges on making transformative changes that will not threaten to turn Japan into an offensively based military actor. In other words, he is trying to avoid making such radical moves that he galvanizes opposition strong enough to halt his progress. At the same time, he is trying to permanently tear down the barriers that have hindered Japan’s armed forces from operating like those of other nations. As Abe’s legislative majority passes new defense bills, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and other Asian nations takes on added life. Abe surely knew that there would always be a hard core of opposition to his plans, but he has been banking on two things going in his favor: first, that the public is worried enough about China’s rise and North Korea’s threat to accept a broader role for the Japanese military, and second, that the very act of firm leadership would not only overcome opposition but even win fresh support. Submitting the legislation is a major step for Abe. Up to now, he has made many promises but not taken much concrete action. That is now beginning to change, however, and as his legislative majority passes the new defense bills, as it undoubtedly will, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and for creating new security relations with other Asian nations takes on added life. Just last week, two Japanese naval vessels conducted the first-ever Japanese–Philippines maritime exercises. This, with a nation embroiled in a bitter dispute with China over territory in the South China Sea. Tokyo may be years away from forming any real alliances with countries in the region, let alone from coming to their aid during times of crisis, but the steps that Abe is taking to make all that more possible should help stabilize Asia’s balance of power. That all this is being done in a measured, democratic way through Japan’s elected representatives should reduce any fears, both of those in the country and of those outside it, that irresponsible ultranationalists are hijacking Japanese security policy. Instead, the normalization of Japan’s role, in concert with its American ally and new partners, is the best path forward to ease Japan into a more responsible and productive leadership role in Asia. — Michael Auslin is a frequent contributor to National Review Online. VIEW COMMENTS Shinzo Abe: Japan Is America’s Willing Ally (Alex Wong/Getty) PRINT ARTICLE EMAIL ARTICLE ADJUST FONT SIZEAA by MICHAEL AUSLIN May 1, 2015 4:00 AM On his America tour, he makes the case for the democratic alternative to China’s influence in East Asia. By any measure, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s visit to the United States has been a resounding success. Having just wrapped up three full days in Washington, D.C., Abe is now in California, visiting both San Francisco and Los Angeles. Before Washington, he stopped in Boston and New York, making this the longest visit by a Japanese leader in decades. The first Japanese premier since Elvis-loving Junichiro Koizumi to show a more populist face to the American public, Abe has made public diplomacy a prominent part of his activities on this trip. Just as interestingly, Akie Abe, the prime minister’s wife, has continued her public outreach, visiting an elementary school in Virginia with Michelle Obama, and serving as a goodwill ambassador. I attended a State Department luncheon and a Japanese embassy–sponsored dinner with Abe, and at both events, he was relaxed and comfortable enough to poke fun at himself and crack a few jokes in front of America’s vice president and secretary of state, Supreme Court justices, former secretaries of state, top business leaders, and Asia scholars. For a leader often vilified as a dangerous right-wing revisionist, Abe is doing his best to charm America’s political class and citizens alike. He may not have Koizumi’s idiosyncratic flair, which resulted in a classic photo op at Graceland with Elvis’s wife Priscilla and daughter Lisa Marie, but Abe, a man that many believe eager to rewrite history and rebuild a fearsome Japanese military, is nonetheless showing his human side. For all his smile diplomacy, though, the real work of Abe’s visit was political. In New York, his ministers of defense and foreign affairs finalized and released with their U.S. counterparts a set of revised guidelines for the U.S.–Japan alliance. This new document impressively increases the scope of Japan’s activities, or at least promises to do so, and includes new areas of cooperation, dealing with such issues as cyber security and threats to satellites and communications networks. It also pledges to expand the scope of joint activities in Asia, a move that may help maintain stability in the face of increasing Chinese coercion over territorial disputes in the East and South China Seas. The guidelines will have to be implemented with legislation in Tokyo to allow the various activities to be undertaken by Japan’s Self-Defense Forces, but they provide a roadmap for steadily expanding Japan’s role in cooperative security endeavors in Asia, and perhaps globally. Unlike many countries that are hedging their bets over China, Japan is eager to step up and play a leadership role in Asia. In Washington, Abe and President Obama released a “vision statement” full of impressive commitments to cooperate on everything from harnessing science and innovation to working on energy security, women’s rights, and global health. Each of these needs to have specific goals, targets, and funding attached to it. Taken together, they represent what a real global alliance looks like, not one built solely on unrealistic ideas and often divergent interests, as in the case of China and the United States. The centerpiece of Abe’s visit to Washington, of course, was his address to a joint session of Congress, the first by a Japanese prime minister. He began on a dynastic note, recounting the speech of his grandfather, also a prime minister of Japan, to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1957. Eagerly awaited were Abe’s comments on World War II. He was, as far as I can tell, the first Japanese prime minister to use the word “repentance,” certainly in an official speech. This is something even his predecessor Tomiichi Murayama did not do in his lauded apology on the 50th anniversary of the war’s end. Moreover, Abe explicitly stated that he upheld all previous Japanese-government apologies. He also discussed in a highly personal way his feelings on the loss of life of tens of thousands of young Americans killed in the war, and offered his personal and “eternal condolences.” These expressions did not satisfy his more vocal critics, including the Chinese and South Koreans, but according to one member of Congress who was present in the chamber, Abe’s words in person conveyed a message of apology that was unmistakable. Abe then pivoted to a discussion of the global reach of the U.S.–Japan relationship, beginning with the yet-to-be-completed Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). The TPP is the only major free-trade agreement close to being completed, though major sticking points remain. Following on Obama’s recent remarks supporting TPP, Abe’s call in front of Congress for completing the agreement is about as high-profile a commitment as can be made. Whether it will break the logjam facing the negotiators and then overcome congressional opposition remains to be seen, but Abe has now very publicly staked some of his political capital on conclusion of the pact. The bottom line from Abe’s trip is that Japan is America’s willing ally. Unlike many countries that are hedging their bets over China, or waffling on living up to their security commitments in places like Europe, Japan is eager to step up and play a leadership role in Asia. It offers a democratic alternative to China’s influence, and it wants to act increasingly as the leader of a liberal bloc of nations in the Indo-Pacific region that help maintain stability. Abe has a lot of work to do at home to convince his skeptical countrymen that a globally active Japan is in their country’s best interests, but he is putting together a coherent and comprehensive policy that realistically faces Japan’s challenges. In a world of increasing disorder and instability, Japan’s offer is something that America should embrace. It provides the basis of a partnership that will be ever more valued in coming decades, as rising revisionist states seek to undermine the liberal order that has shaped global interactions since 1945. An Asia with a more committed and energetic Japan will almost certainly be a more stable Asia. Not all of Abe’s ambitious goals will be achieved, but he has broken Japan out of its post-war passivity, and that is something to applaud him for. — Michael Auslin is a frequent contributor to National Review Online. VIEW COMMENTS
Read more at: http://www.nationalreview.com/article/418563/japan-begins-walk-walk-defense-reform-michael-auslinJapan Begins to Walk the Walk on Defense Reform Japanese Maritime Self Defense Force vessels off Sagami Bay. (Kazuhiro Nogi/AFP/Getty) PRINT ARTICLE EMAIL ARTICLE ADJUST FONT SIZEAA by MICHAEL AUSLIN May 19, 2015 4:00 AM Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe, fresh off a successful official visit to the United States, where he focused largely on security issues, has returned home to follow through on longstanding promises to submit crucial defense-reform legislation to the Japanese Diet. Last Thursday, his cabinet adopted two security bills that will now be put before Japan’s legislators. According to the Japan Times, one of the two bills would amend 10 security-related laws, removing some restrictions on SDF operations. One of the revisions would allow Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense, or the right to come to the aid of a friendly nation under attack. . . . The second bill would create a permanent law allowing the government to dispatch the SDF overseas to provide logistics support to a foreign force engaged in armed combat. While maintaining tight restrictions on when collective self-defense can be invoked, and limiting the general law on deployment to logistics support, the bills nevertheless are a significant move toward normalizing the activities of the Self-Defense Forces. They will open up new areas of cooperation, while making it easier for Japan to discuss common operations with its allies. Yet not all is assured for the Japanese premier. What Abe is really trying to do is change the trajectory of post-war Japanese history, to shift the mindset of his countrymen. It is therefore no surprise that he faces significant opposition at home to his plans, with half the respondents in recent polls indicating opposition to an expanded security role for Japanese forces. Japan’s pacifist post-war constitution, written by American occupation forces, helped instill a strong aversion to military activity of nearly any kind. Despite the oft-voiced concerns and criticisms of Japan’s neighbors over the years that Tokyo was flirting with remilitarization, Japan’s populace has been steadfastly opposed to any overseas entanglements. So, for that matter, have most of its post-1945 governments. The balancing act that Abe is engaged in hinges on making transformative changes that will not threaten to turn Japan into an offensively based military actor. In other words, he is trying to avoid making such radical moves that he galvanizes opposition strong enough to halt his progress. At the same time, he is trying to permanently tear down the barriers that have hindered Japan’s armed forces from operating like those of other nations. As Abe’s legislative majority passes new defense bills, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and other Asian nations takes on added life. Abe surely knew that there would always be a hard core of opposition to his plans, but he has been banking on two things going in his favor: first, that the public is worried enough about China’s rise and North Korea’s threat to accept a broader role for the Japanese military, and second, that the very act of firm leadership would not only overcome opposition but even win fresh support. Submitting the legislation is a major step for Abe. Up to now, he has made many promises but not taken much concrete action. That is now beginning to change, however, and as his legislative majority passes the new defense bills, as it undoubtedly will, his plans for deepening cooperation with America and for creating new security relations with other Asian nations takes on added life. Just last week, two Japanese naval vessels conducted the first-ever Japanese–Philippines maritime exercises. This, with a nation embroiled in a bitter dispute with China over territory in the South China Sea. Tokyo may be years away from forming any real alliances with countries in the region, let alone from coming to their aid during times of crisis, but the steps that Abe is taking to make all that more possible should help stabilize Asia’s balance of power. That all this is being done in a measured, democratic way through Japan’s elected representatives should reduce any fears, both of those in the country and of those outside it, that irresponsible ultranationalists are hijacking Japanese security policy. Instead, the normalization of Japan’s role, in concert with its American ally and new partners, is the best path forward to ease Japan into a more responsible and productive leadership role in Asia. — Michael Auslin is a frequent contributor to National Review Online. VIEW COMMENTS Shinzo Abe: Japan Is America’s Willing Ally (Alex Wong/Getty) PRINT ARTICLE EMAIL ARTICLE ADJUST FONT SIZEAA by MICHAEL AUSLIN May 1, 2015 4:00 AM On his America tour, he makes the case for the democratic alternative to China’s influence in East Asia. By any measure, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s visit to the United States has been a resounding success. Having just wrapped up three full days in Washington, D.C., Abe is now in California, visiting both San Francisco and Los Angeles. Before Washington, he stopped in Boston and New York, making this the longest visit by a Japanese leader in decades. The first Japanese premier since Elvis-loving Junichiro Koizumi to show a more populist face to the American public, Abe has made public diplomacy a prominent part of his activities on this trip. Just as interestingly, Akie Abe, the prime minister’s wife, has continued her public outreach, visiting an elementary school in Virginia with Michelle Obama, and serving as a goodwill ambassador. I attended a State Department luncheon and a Japanese embassy–sponsored dinner with Abe, and at both events, he was relaxed and comfortable enough to poke fun at himself and crack a few jokes in front of America’s vice president and secretary of state, Supreme Court justices, former secretaries of state, top business leaders, and Asia scholars. For a leader often vilified as a dangerous right-wing revisionist, Abe is doing his best to charm America’s political class and citizens alike. He may not have Koizumi’s idiosyncratic flair, which resulted in a classic photo op at Graceland with Elvis’s wife Priscilla and daughter Lisa Marie, but Abe, a man that many believe eager to rewrite history and rebuild a fearsome Japanese military, is nonetheless showing his human side. For all his smile diplomacy, though, the real work of Abe’s visit was political. In New York, his ministers of defense and foreign affairs finalized and released with their U.S. counterparts a set of revised guidelines for the U.S.–Japan alliance. This new document impressively increases the scope of Japan’s activities, or at least promises to do so, and includes new areas of cooperation, dealing with such issues as cyber security and threats to satellites and communications networks. It also pledges to expand the scope of joint activities in Asia, a move that may help maintain stability in the face of increasing Chinese coercion over territorial disputes in the East and South China Seas. The guidelines will have to be implemented with legislation in Tokyo to allow the various activities to be undertaken by Japan’s Self-Defense Forces, but they provide a roadmap for steadily expanding Japan’s role in cooperative security endeavors in Asia, and perhaps globally. Unlike many countries that are hedging their bets over China, Japan is eager to step up and play a leadership role in Asia. In Washington, Abe and President Obama released a “vision statement” full of impressive commitments to cooperate on everything from harnessing science and innovation to working on energy security, women’s rights, and global health. Each of these needs to have specific goals, targets, and funding attached to it. Taken together, they represent what a real global alliance looks like, not one built solely on unrealistic ideas and often divergent interests, as in the case of China and the United States. The centerpiece of Abe’s visit to Washington, of course, was his address to a joint session of Congress, the first by a Japanese prime minister. He began on a dynastic note, recounting the speech of his grandfather, also a prime minister of Japan, to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1957. Eagerly awaited were Abe’s comments on World War II. He was, as far as I can tell, the first Japanese prime minister to use the word “repentance,” certainly in an official speech. This is something even his predecessor Tomiichi Murayama did not do in his lauded apology on the 50th anniversary of the war’s end. Moreover, Abe explicitly stated that he upheld all previous Japanese-government apologies. He also discussed in a highly personal way his feelings on the loss of life of tens of thousands of young Americans killed in the war, and offered his personal and “eternal condolences.” These expressions did not satisfy his more vocal critics, including the Chinese and South Koreans, but according to one member of Congress who was present in the chamber, Abe’s words in person conveyed a message of apology that was unmistakable. Abe then pivoted to a discussion of the global reach of the U.S.–Japan relationship, beginning with the yet-to-be-completed Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). The TPP is the only major free-trade agreement close to being completed, though major sticking points remain. Following on Obama’s recent remarks supporting TPP, Abe’s call in front of Congress for completing the agreement is about as high-profile a commitment as can be made. Whether it will break the logjam facing the negotiators and then overcome congressional opposition remains to be seen, but Abe has now very publicly staked some of his political capital on conclusion of the pact. The bottom line from Abe’s trip is that Japan is America’s willing ally. Unlike many countries that are hedging their bets over China, or waffling on living up to their security commitments in places like Europe, Japan is eager to step up and play a leadership role in Asia. It offers a democratic alternative to China’s influence, and it wants to act increasingly as the leader of a liberal bloc of nations in the Indo-Pacific region that help maintain stability. Abe has a lot of work to do at home to convince his skeptical countrymen that a globally active Japan is in their country’s best interests, but he is putting together a coherent and comprehensive policy that realistically faces Japan’s challenges. In a world of increasing disorder and instability, Japan’s offer is something that America should embrace. It provides the basis of a partnership that will be ever more valued in coming decades, as rising revisionist states seek to undermine the liberal order that has shaped global interactions since 1945. An Asia with a more committed and energetic Japan will almost certainly be a more stable Asia. Not all of Abe’s ambitious goals will be achieved, but he has broken Japan out of its post-war passivity, and that is something to applaud him for. — Michael Auslin is a frequent contributor to National Review Online. VIEW COMMENTS
Read more at: http://www.nationalreview.com/article/418563/japan-begins-walk-walk-defense-reform-michael-auslin
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